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KOSHUR SAMACHAR Henzae: A Folk Genre Viewed Afresh by P. N. Pushp
![]() Henzae seems to be the oldest extant folk genre of Kashmiri verse. Alongside the proverb and the riddle it certainly is one of the earliest items of folklore in the Kashmiri language. It signifies a conventional type of the ceremony chant called vanavun, sessions of which cover, in toto or in part, series of socio-cultural concomitants of ritual associated with various stages or steps in the ceremony concerned, particularly zarakaasay (tonsure), maekhal (sacred thread-investiture) and khaandar (wedding). The term henzae has wrongly been regarded as a derivative of the word Hindu, interpreting it, accordingly, as a call to the Hindu women to join a session of the traditional wedding chant. The word, in fact, preserves a Kashmiri variant of the Prakrit vocative hanje meaning 'O lady or ladies'. It, obviously, connotes a significant reference to the mode of starting a session of ceremony chant, by addressing a worthy equal or a band of worthy equals. In course of time, however, the word came to signify a specific type of ceremony chant rendered by a select group of Kashmiri women of the Pandit community, joined by other women sitting around. The elderly lady who leads the group is held in high esteem as vanavan-gar (a competent lady specialising in ceremony chant.) The conventional rendering of the chant known as henzae is surprisingly reminiscent of the Sama Vedic legacy which seems to have lingered on in the Valley of Kashmir as an interplay of the traditional tones: the uddata (accented), anuddata (unaccented) and svarita (circumflex). i.e. the high pitch, the low pitch and the even pitch peculiar to Sama recitation. Obviously the old Sama chant underwent a series of transformation during its transmission at the folk level, and reached us as an echo of the ancient convention trans-shaped by various pressures of innovation in tune with the changing times. The echo thus preserved in the henzae has become a vital link of the flexible present with the stratified past. In form, the henzae snatch is just a vanavun piece,
a snatch of a ceremony song framed within a couplet the second line of
which is invariably shorter than the first, at least by two syllables,
roughly corresponding to the following beat pattern:
The couplet may or may not rhyme the end of the first line with the penultimate of the second line, but it is generally crisscrossed by internal rhyme rich in alliterative rhythm as is borne out by the apt placement of vena and vena; vaaj and laaj;. hiyi- tharae, ranga-tsarae, and shaama svandaras; vuchhmay and prutshmay; kraanis and laanis; koo ree and komaaree; dakha chhuy and nakha chhuy; phaerae and shaerae; raaza and vaaza in the following chants offering revealing peeps into the creative stamina of everfresh articulation: 1. Yena tar vena tay vana vaaj maadalThe shuklam here refers to the popular mangala- sloka, the hymn of auspicious inauguration without reciting which no ritualistic performance would normally be undertaken by a devout Pandit. The sloka refered to, starts with the line Shuklambaradharam devam shashivarnamwhich, of course, is conjured up by the key word shuklam pronounced as shoklam in the Kashmiri accent. Every session of vanavun, accordingly, that begins with the word shuklam is expected to be rendered in the vilambita (leisurely tone) rather than the druta (the quick tempo). Vanavun, of course, is the bed-rock on which henzae has stood for centuries, and it continues to be the generic name of the ceremony chant. Even poets of eminence have composed vanavun whenever it suited their context. Prakash Ram (c. 1840), for instance, sounds quite close to the henzae tradition when he writes (in the context of Sita's wedding): OEM shabda sootin shoklam karithAmong other peots influenced by the henzae tradition, Krishna Razdan deserves special mention for a number of popular chants in his Shiv-lagan particularly those in the contexts of the arrival of Shiva as the bridegroom and the subsequent floral worship (called Poeshi-poozaa) of the bride and the bridegroom. Some of these chants woven into vatsun lyrics are a must at the Shivaratri celebration, including the ones with the refrains: Maharaaza raazakomaarae aavand Shiva Shankarasay chhe poeshi-poozaaThe vanavun has thus found its way not only into the leelaa (devotional lyric) hymns but also into the naat (verse tribute to the Prophet); and instances are available of poets who have sought to specialise in the vanavun though with doubtful success. The inaugural chant of the vanavun, nevertheless, has all along carried with it rich possibilities of improvisation as and when the occasion demanded; and this improvisation has been mainly twofold: paradigmal as well as substitutional. The paradigmal covers syntactical modifications while the substitutional leaves the syntax untouched; it simply replaces a variable within the syntactical matrix. Here, for instance, are a few cases of such improvisation detected without much difticulty: A. Substitutional (suiting intracultural demands): 1. The second line of the inaugural chant improvises the impression Bhavaarlae variously as Shivaayae, Shaarikaayae, Raagnyaayae, Zaalaaye, Baalaayae, Vomaayae, etc. putting in any of the Kashmiri names of the Goddess, corresponding to the classical Siva, Sa:rika, Ra:jni:, Jvaala:, Ba:la: and Uma:In the early strata of the vanavun we find this type of improvisation mostly intracultural as it is intended to perpetuate a few cultural memories of the community as long as possible. But an encounter with quite a different tradition (particularly religion- oriented) led to a fundamental departure in basic perceptions. In due course of historical development, naturally, perceptions other than those reflected within the henzae parametres also emerged. A new type of improvisation, essentially intercultural in nature, came into vogue by virtue of which the core form Shoklam was understandably improvised with the parallel register expression Bismillah, the key- note of the Kalima. With the spread of Islam in Kashmir, the growing urge for sectional identity also encouraged departure from the traditional mannerism of the chant associated with the Sama legacy, the folk variation of the vanavun was taken over as the only style in which Muslim women could inaugurate their session of ceremonial chant despite their conversional inhibition. They would accordingly start their session of vanavun with the following snatch as suitably modified within the time-honoured traditional folk matrix: Bismillah karith hemav vanavoenuyObviously the neo-converts took over the matrix of the vanavun from the old convention with appropriate improvisation reflecting thereby the archetypal change in the perception of faith. It was so because Shoklam echoed a different archetypal context that had by the time become associated with idol worship. As such it was not deemed fit to serve the immediate purpose of the neoconverts. An appropriate substitute for the term was, nevertheless, discerned in Bismillah that could insure the traditional vanavun against the risk of being dubbed as un-Islamic, without upsetting or undermining the socio-cultural continuity of collective participation. It is because of such a salutaty development that both types of vanavun share a lot of common concern and cognate articulation. The contours of these types are peculiar to the religious creed or cult inherited by a sizeable group within the Kashmiri society, as an ingredient of sub- cultural heritage; while the affinities shared by both the segments are significant components of common inheritance not only cherished but also promoted as interpersonal commemoration. Viewed in such a historical perspective we find the Henzae covering a broad spectrum of socio- cultural preoccupation with festivity. Starting with a prayerful declaration of the resolve to celebrate, the conventionally stylized folk genre covers as already pointed out, a series of socio-cultural concomitants of ritual signifying various stages or steps in the ceremony concerned, particularly zarakaasay, (tonsure), maekhal (Sacred thread- investiture) and khaandar (wedding). Some of the outstanding links in the chain are: a. garanaaay: house-cleaning.Viewed from the angle of cultural stratification, however, we find two linguistic layers in the snatches of the vanavun. One of these reflects the indigenous pre-Islamic tradition occasionally preserving a verbal fossil or two fixed up in a later setting. The other level reveals a preponderance of socio-linguistic synthesis bringing about a harmonius blend of the indigenous and the domiciled, despite the initial irritants caused by religious conversion. The blending, therefore, appears to be mostly a natural one speaking forth, on occasions, through a single word belonging to a Persi-Arabic hoard and, yet, appearing quite at ease with earlier matrices and modes of expression. Let us, then, view a few telling instances even though culled rather casually within the parameters of random sampling. Among the first category we may take up the following that appear to have come down tht centuries almost unchanged: 1. Parmaeshvaras ta maaji ParvatiyaeComing to the second category we notice a number of snatches in which just a word or two from the Persi-Arabic hoard reflects an appropriate recognition of the forward-looking expansion in vocabulary so as to cover the authentic nuances of socio-cultural interaction. To this very category, in fact, belong the snatches in which the changing folk diction of the Kashmiri language registers a wider area of susceptibility to change in environment as well as articulation. Here are a few samples (with the new word underlined): 1. Pushinee khatsakhay Divasara-baalas(Kashmiri words of Persi-Arabic origin that claim our attention here are: bala, nala, jahan, ud (vuda), masnad, havas, baladari, khamir, ghamghin, sahi, koh, bagh, divankhana and jamah.) The two extremes between which the vocabulary of the henzae seems to have flourished may, perhaps, be identified in terms of the following snatches: 1. Arrnaayae dharmaayae raazapotraayaedisplays a queer juxtaposition of the archaic Shiva metaphor or divine grace with the high-sounding Persian grandeur of the feudal court, rhyming the Sanskrit prasada with the Persi-Arabic sada shehzada. It is, nevertheless, difficult to pinpoint the detailed choronology of stratification in view of the fact that quite a number of fragments of early legacy have been updated in linguistic expression from time to time. It can, however, be safely inferred that the current version of the henzae text is mostly later than the Vaak-Shruk (XIV century) configuration. Such a state of affairs is amply bome out by telling pointers like reference to institutions, events, places and persons as in the following contexts: a. Sataraath anymay GoejevaaraeSimilar, of course, is the evidence of allusions like those to Vakile Sarkar Har Gopal, Tarakh Zityush, Naran Juv, kaaranda, tabardar, tehsildar, Shalamar Bagh, Padshah Bagh, Tulamuly Nag, jagir, jamadari, rozgar, bazar, khana-moel, durdana, shaahe zaafraan, saahebzaada, bumakamaan, buma-khanjar, masval and guli akhtaab. More clinching appears to be the evidence silently offered by the very nomenclature of a crucial segment of the henzae-lore, i.e. the vanavun of the maanziraath which is an inalienable part of the current vanavun text. A sociological and literary study of the henzae in detail, no doubt, calls for a separate write up, yet a rich cross-section of the content with peculiarities of folk-articulations has substantially been covered by the chants quoted above in various contexts. Finally, a word as to the need for a technological study of the henzae rendering, based on the authentic grounds of musicology. A competent analysis of at least half a dozen tapes in different voices covering different parts of the Valley as well as from Poonch, Bhadravah and Kashtawar is likely to reveal a broad spectrum of renderings; and those could be further taken up for contrastive studies with respect to the resembling chants in some sister languages of the state; Dogri, Panjabi, and Gojri, for instance, present some interesting parallels in their folk-chants, particularly in p'aakh and mahiya which register some remote degree of affinity with the henzae rendering. Do these styles of singing share some variation or the other of the old Sama chant? Let some competent musicologist explore and reveal. |
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